HN 64 

,653 

Copy 1 

JMillior\aires or Slaves, 


WHICH? 


31,100 IMIIllIoziaires 

— ok — 

05,000,000 Slaves. 


THE IRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICT. 


By THOMAS W?GILRUTH, 

President National Citizens’ Industrial Alliance. 


“We have two parties in this country, and what are they? They 
have been going down, down, until they have almost reached the 
lower depths. They represent two colossal organic appetites ‘thirsty 
for spoils They are like wild beasts trying to devour each other. 
The American people are honest, intelligent and energetic. The 
men that make the laUo for them do not represent them .”— ROSOOB 
CONKLING. 


{Copyrighted.) 

TOPEKA, KANSAS 

THE ALLIANCE RIBUNE JOB PRINT 
413 JACKSON STREET. 






















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T. LU. GILi^UTH. 

PEAKER FOR NA TIONALISTS, KNIGHTS OF LABOR, 
and FARMERS ALLIANCE. 


Address, 1018 West 21st Street, 
KANSAS CITY, MO. 
















































r 




































JMilliorxaires or Slaves, 


WHICH? 

31,100 lvHHIona,Ire3 

- OK- 


35,000,000 Sla/Ves. 



/ 

/ 


By THOMAS W. GILRUTH, / u i 

President National Citizens’ Industrial Alliance. 


“We have two parties in this country, and what are they? They 
have been going down, down, until they have almost reached the 
lower depths. They represent two colossal organic appetites ‘ thirsty 
for spoils ,’ They are like wild beasts trying to devour each other. 
The American people are honest, intelligent and energetic. The 
men that make the la w for them do not represent them.” — ROSOOB 
CONKLING. 


{Copyrighted.) 

TOPEKA, KANSAS 

THE ALLIANCE RIBUNE JOB PRINT, 
413 JACKSON STREET. 







STRANGE VOICES FROM OUR SENATORS, 


“It is well for the people to form some idea of 
the extent to which the powers of the government 
are becoming subject to the control of a very small 
number of the people, and the extent to which 
these powers are becoming absolute, despotic, 
monarchical, almost as much so as the Czar of 
Russia. 

“The present system places the control of the 
wealth of this country in the hands of a very small 
number of persons, an almost infinitesimal portion 
of the people; gives them' money to buy those who 
represent the people; money to fill the seats of this 
chamber and of .the other house, and to corrupt 
those who exercise the judicial functions of the 
country; money to manipulate railroad charters; 
money to control corporations of every kind, and 
to place bankers and money lenders in places , of 
official power; money to suborn the press; money 
to monopolize and concentrate in their ownership 
all the transportation and other means of exchange, 
and to extort from the people the fruits of their la¬ 
bor, until there is want, and suffering, and debt in 
the households of the great majority of the peo¬ 
ple .”—Senator Gall . 



“We stand to-day, Mr. President, upon a finan¬ 
cial volcano. We have heard discussions as to the 
starving Indians, but we take no note, it appears, 
of the fact that the great agriculturists of the land 
are meeting and resolving that there is danger, 
trouble, if not starvation and oppression among 
them. The labor of the country appeals through 
every channel it can to this administration and this 
congress, to stay the awful wreck that is threaten¬ 
ed. The faces of the bankers and merchants are 
blanched with fear. No man can tell whether to¬ 
morrow or next day every bank in the great cen¬ 
tres of our commerce will not be closed by the sus¬ 
pension of payments .”—Senator Gorman. 

“I have seen these corridors filled with national 
bankers protesting against an act of congress, 
when we desired them to assist us in funding the 
public debt of the United States. * * * Sena¬ 
tors were personally threatened, if they dared to 
vote for that bill with defeat. We were told that 
our official tenure was ended the moment we gave 
our vote for any such measures .”—Senator Vest. 

“So much injustice has been done to the people, 
so many wrongs have been perpetrated in the in¬ 
terests of wealth and capital by the passage of un¬ 
just laws, that the people are in open revolt to-day, 
and they have a right to be; they have determined 
to have relief, and they are entitled to it. ”— Sena¬ 
tor Berry. 

“If there is no reason nor humanity in the pos¬ 
sessors of accumulated capital, there is power in 
revolution. ”—Senator Stewart, 


« MILLIONAIRES OR SLAVES. WHICH?* 


ORIGIN OF THE CITIZENS’ INDUSTRIAL ALLIANCE. 

The first Citizens’ Alliance was organized at 
Olathe, Kansas, at a mass meeting of the “People’s 
Party,” in the early part of July, A. D. 1890. No¬ 
tice of the same being published through the reform 
press, various other organizations were perfected 
in the cities and towns of Kansas, calling them¬ 
selves Citizens’ Alliances, until a state convention 
was called. Seventy-five Alliances sent delegates 
to perfect a state organization. This convention 
was held in Topeka, Kansas, August 12, 1890. A 
State Organization was effected, and state officers 
elected, of whom D. C. Zercher, of Olathe, Kansas, 
was President and W. F. Rightmire, Secretary. 
Through the united efforts of the President and 
Secretary, Citizens’ Alliances were planted all over 
Kansas, and in nineteen other states, until there 
were eleven Iwndred orgo/nizations. 

About the first of December, 1890, a call was 
prepared for a National Convention of delegates 
from the various Citizens’ Alliances, in the several 
states, to meet in Topeka, Kansas, and perfect a 
National Organization. In answer to this call, 250 
delegates assembled on the 13th day of January, 



1891, and during a four days’ session effected the 
National Organization. 

The National Citizens’ Industrial Alliance presents 
a new guide board to freedom. It will fill the same 
place among the wealth producers, the business 
and professional men,, that the Farmers Alliance 
and Industrial Union, the F. M. B. A. and other 
kindred organizations have done among the agri¬ 
cultural classes. The National Citizens’ Industrial 
Alliance is non-partisan in spirit. Its objects and 
aims are to agitate and educate by just and lawful 
means, the people residing in towns and cities, in 
the economies of, and necessity for “A government 
of the the people, by the people and for the people.” 

It will seek to gather and disseminate the truth, 
regarding the great issues which are now or may 
hereafter be presented, touching the interests of the 
wealth producers within the United States. It re¬ 
cognizes the fact that all wealth is the direct pro¬ 
duct of labor. And that those who produce all 
w r ealth do not own the result of their industry, for 
“The stormy deep, the sterile soil, 

Yield up their treasures to their labors; 

Their arms are stiff with ceaseless toil 
To pamper those whom fortune favors. 

They gather from the hill and dale, 

And sea and shore, and mine and meadow, 
Great piles of wealth all o’er our land, 

Yet die like paupers ’neath its shadow." 

The producers of w T ealth in this republic number 
ten million persons, and those dependent upon each 
laborer, average five persons. 

To-day the census shows that nearly one-tutli 



*hese ‘‘toiling millions” are out of employment, or 
working limited time, for starvation wages. 

Plutocracy has named them Tramps. 

Corporations, trusts and syndicates have employed 
machinery to take the place of individual laborers; 
thus forcing willing industry into idleness. 

This condition is abnormal, unjust and wicked. 
It causes miser}’, distress and death to cast their 
dark shadows over the homes of our people. It is 
crowding our penitentiaries, our jails, our alms 
houses, our asylums for the insane, and filling 
many a suicide’s grave. It is the result of piemed- 
itated, wicked and unjust class legislation, enacted 
by men who, for ready cash, have sold themselves 
and the people into bondage. 

Politics, as managed to-day by all parties, is a 
blister upon our American civilization. Hotel¬ 
keepers for judges, prize fighters for law-makers, 
rumsellers for aldermen, gamblers and horse 
jockeys for assembly men, bribe takers for ordi¬ 
nance makers, railroad wreckers and mining job¬ 
bers for senators. What a picture is that, my 
countrymen? And yet not overdrawn, but abso¬ 
lutely true to life itself. Think of it—men whose 
country is a sulkey, whose world is a race track, 
and whose ambition rises no higher than a toddy 
stick, making laws for you and me. Better party 
defeat a thousand times than success that bears such 
fruitage as that. The qualifications for office to¬ 
day are not brains, but expediency; not fitness and 
character, but boodle and pelf. Will he pay? 
How much? Can we elect him? Does he belong 



to our crowd, and will he work for us and our side if 
he is elected? These are the questions asked con¬ 
cerning candidates nowadays. Not whether, they 
are qualified by training and experience for the 
place they seek. The welfare of the state is 
trampled under foot that the party may succeed 
and the candidate win. Only recently, when great 
questions were pending in the United States sen¬ 
ate—questions that reached down to the very basis 
of our government and affected the well being of 
every.citizens of this republic—an honored senator, 
as he is called, left the senate and went to New 
York city to look after his fast trotters. He cared 
more for the chamber of horse-stalls than he did 
for the chamber of states. His place deserted, his 
duties abandoned and the sacred rights of sixty-five 
millions of people ignored that his trotters might 
be properly groomed and the race track for the 
coming season fully manned and equipped. Out 
upon the horse-jockey senators! We have had 
enough of them. They are a disgrace to the Amer¬ 
ican senate and the American name, and the Soon¬ 
er we are rid of them the better. Oh, for the days 
of the giants—of Webster and Clay, of Seward and 
Chase, of Douglass, Cass and Lincoln—mighty 
men, who knew their duty and bravely did it! 
Never was there such a demand for brave, clean 
and patriotic men in politics as now— 

‘‘Men whom the lust of office will not kill; 

Men whom the spoils of office can not buy; 

Tall men, sun crowned, who live above the fog 

In public duty and in private thinking.” 

The remedy is to be found in the ‘‘Decalogue 



and Golden Rule,” exemplified by the acts of all 
persons holding official positions, state or national, 
executing the will of the people. 

To secure this end the “National Citizens 1 Indus¬ 
trial Alliance” has been formed. 

Evolutkn y net revolution, is our aim. We are 
united by a fraternal bond of brotherhood, and we 
stand firm for God, our country and our homes. 
We speak with no uncertain sound. We will elect 
a house, a senate and an executive, who will carry 
out pledges made to the people, and thus prove to 
all the nations of the earth that “purification of 
politics” is not “an iridescent dream.” 

The real and personal property belonging to the 
people in the United States, aggregates seventy- 
one billions of dollars. It is mortgaged, stocked 
and bonded for forty-six billions of dollars. The 
average rate of interest paid annually upon this 
enormous debt is over seven per cent. To cover 
all contingencies, let us reduce the rate to five per 
cent. It will then amount to Two Billion , Three 
Hundred Millions of dollars each year. 

The census shows that the wealth producing 
forces of our people number Ten' Millions of per¬ 
sons and each person produces one thousand dollars 
of neiv wealth each year , or a grand total of One 
Billion of dollars, counting the entire force. 

Let us pause and ask how long will it take the 
people to pay the debt, or even the interest, if they 
devote their entire time and products of all labor 
to the interesting problem \ 

Verily, Verily I say unto you, unless changed, 


the conditions already exist, which will ultimate in 
the most abject and debasing system of slavery, 
ever present in this world. Therefore, in our plat¬ 
form o£ principles: 

1. We demand the abolition of national banks, 
and the substitution of legal tender treasury notes 
in lieu of national bank notes, issued in sufficient 
volume to do the business of the country on a cash 
system, regulating the amount needed on a per 
capita basis; the payment of the national debt as 
speedily as possible; and that all money issued by 
the government shall be full legal tender in pay¬ 
ment of all debts, both public and private. 

2. We demand the free and unlimited coinage of 
silver and gold, of the present weight and fineness. 

6. We demand that congress provide for the is¬ 
sue of a sufficient amount of fractional paper cur¬ 
rency to facilitate exchange through the medium of 
the United States mail. 

8. We demand such legislation as shall effectual¬ 
ly prevent the extortion of usurious interest by 
any form of evasion of statutory provisions. 

Let God tell his story relative to these things. 
Read your Bible, where lie said: “Thou shalt not 
take interest, increase and a pledge from thy 
brother, for if he in anywise cry unto me, my 
wrath shall wax hot and I will kill you, and I will 
make your wife a widow, and your children father¬ 
less, and I will drive you forth among the heathen, 
and I will teach you that I am the Lord God.” 

• Money will never centralize in the hands of a 
few, if the “few” are prevented by just laws from 


using it to oppress the many. Wipe out all “class 
legislation” so prominent now throughout the al¬ 
leged civilized world. 

Issue sufficient paper money, which shall be full 
legal tender for all debts, both public and private, 
and base it upon the entire wealth of the nation. 
Fix it in the United States Constitution, so con¬ 
gress cannot tinker it at the beck and nod of pres¬ 
ent and future sharks. 

Remove and break all bonds, then and not until 
then, shall “My people be free.” Thus saith the 
Lord. 

The question of finance has become one of ab¬ 
sorbing interest to the productive forces of this 
country.. Legislation has been shaped to control 
the money and centralize it in the hands of a few 
persons. 

To accomplish this result, a conspiracy was en¬ 
tered into, and a secret letter promulgated among 
interested parties to the scheme in which it was 
boldly proclaimed that “It is better to control the 
money, and thereby the wages of the productive 
forces of the country, than to own the slave; for 
slavery carries with it the care of the slave; while 
control of the money and wages of the bread win¬ 
ners compels the whole people to^pay tribute to the 
money power.” 

The legislation enacted in the interest of the 
“money power,” and at its cammand, is set forth 
in the following table. And the vote that fastened 
it upon the people. Yeas and nays in house and 
senate by both Republicans and Democrats is 
. copied from the records of congress. 


FROM THE CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, 1861 TO 1891-THIRTY YEARS OF INIQUITY. 

“Let No Guilty Man Escape.” While We Inquire, WHw-DID—IT? 


DATE. 


ACTS OF THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS. 


a 

o 

a 

>> 

Q 

Year. 

July. 

17 

1861 

Feby 

25 

1862 

Feby 

13 

1863 

J une 

3 

1864 

April 

12 

1866 

Mch. 

1 

1869 

July. 

14 

1870 




Feby 

12 

1873 

June 

22 

1874 

Jany 

14 

1875 

June 

12 

1882 

Jany 

| 

16 

1888 

July- * 1 

14 

1890 


To rob the people and create Millionaires, 
Trusts, Corporations, Combines, Syndicates, 
Plutocrats, Criminals, Paupers, Insane Per¬ 
sons and Wage Slaves. 


Treasury, Demand Notes -{ 


f$60,000,000 issued; made 
I legal tender Mqrch 17, 

I ’62, always 3 per cent, 
above gold in the mar¬ 
kets of the world. Des¬ 
troyed because the 
money power could not 
^control it. 

t, •, f Exception Clause in Currency Depreciated 
"four Money to 35 cents on the dollar. 

National Banks chartered to control our money 
and thus control the wages of the people. 

Supplemental Bank Act. 

fTo take Currency out of Circulation 
Funding Act-j and Fund it into Interest bearing 
f Bonds, and reduce the people to Slavery 

Credit Strengthening Act, Pay Bonds in Gold. 

fTo Refund Old Bonds into New 
| Bonds, running 10, 15 and 30 years 
Refunding Act-j and draws 5, 4 V 2 and 4 per cent. In- 
| terest. Principal and Interest Pay- 
fable in Gold. 

1 This bill was passed 
Demonetization of Silver, I without being read, un- 

| der false pretenses and 
Y there is no record of the 
final Yote in either the 
House or Senate. 

f J FRAUD. 

Resumption of Specie Payment. 

Extension of Bank Charters to year 1907. 

r Buy Bonds and pay 27 to 30 per cent premium' 
this was promoted by R. Q. Mills, and advocated 
by Cleveland in obedience to the demands of the 
-["Monet/ Rower.” The premium was paid on 8 
I bonds that have been due and payable since 1870. 1 
j It is a steal of over Forty-seven Millions of dollars. | 
QHairrson approves and pays. J 

Silver Bullion Bill. To Stop the Coinage of Silver.D 
, Make it a Commodity Subject to Market Flue* f 
Qtuations created by Wall Street Gamblers. J 


Demonetization of Silver. 


T 


HOUSE. I . SENATE. 

___ j .__ 


Record 

of 

Total 

Vote. 

Yeas. 

Nays. 

: Record 

H Of 

Total 

Yote. 

Yeas. 

Nays. 

Rep. 

Dem. 

Hep. 

Dem. 

Rep. 

Dem. 

Rep. 

Dem. 

155 

150 



5 

44 

36 

4 


4 

152 

86 

7 

20 

89 

42 

18 

4 

3 

17 

152 

75 

13 

22 

42 

44 

21 

2 

9 

12 

146 

80 


1 

65 

39 

30 


2 

7 

147 

55 

28 

53 

1 

89 

27 

5 

7 


144 

96 

1 

13 

84 

55 

42 


7 

6 

195 

139 


2 

54 

43 

30 

3 

2 

8 















• 






150 

136 


24 

74 

46 

32 

...... 

1 

13 

189 

f .. 

100 

10 

8 

71 

47 

28 

6 

1 

12 

202 

47 

91 

28 

36 

54 

25 

24 

5 


[■ 212 

l • " 

100 

22 


90 

65 

39 



26 






































































































This record shows a series of statutes enacted 
that cannot be paralleled in the history of the world 
for deep and well laid schemes of iniquity and leg¬ 
islative fraud. 

But first closely examine dates of all laws passed 
and see which party controlled congress. 

THIRTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. 

1859. Democratic Senate; Democratic House. 

THIRTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. 

1861. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

THIRTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. 

1863. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

THIRTY-NINTH CONGRESS. 

1865. Republican Senate; Republican House. 
FORTIETH CONGRESS. 

1867. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FORTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

1869. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FORTY-SECOND CONGRESS. 

1871. ’ Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FORTY-THIRD CONGRESS. 

1873. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FORTY-FOURTH CONGRESS.* 

1875. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 

FORTY-FIFTH CONGRESS. 

1877. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 

FORTY-SIXTH CONGRESS. 

1879. Democratic Senate; Democratic House. 

FORTY-SEVENTH CONGRESS. 

1881. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FORTY-EIGHTH CONGRESS. 

1883. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 

FORTY-NINTH CONGRESS. 

1885. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 

FIFTIETH CONGRESS. . 

1887. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 

FIFTY-FIRST CONGRESS. 

1889. Republican Senate; Republican House. 

FIFTY-SECOND CONGRESS. 

1891. Republican Senate; Democratic House. 


As a result of the laws enacted by both the Re¬ 
publican and Democratic members of congress, to 
fulfill pledges made by them to the money power. 
The people have been compelled to realize as never 
before, the meaning of 

“ HAHDTIMEs7 


CAUSE AND EFFECT. 


Year. 

Total amount of 

money in circu¬ 
lation. 

Population 
per annum. 

Cir’la’n 
per cap 

Fail’rs 

eachyr 

Liabilities, 

amount lost 
each year. 

Year. 

1866 

$ 

1863 409 216 

35 819 281 

$52 01 

632 

$ 47 333 000 

1866 

1867 

i 

1350 449 218 

36 269 502 

$37 51 

2 780 

$ 96 666 000 

1867 

1868 

$ 

794 756 112 

37 016 949 

$21 47 

2 608 

$ 63 694 000 

1868 

1869 

$ 

730 705 638 

37 779 800 

$19 34 

2 799 

$ 75 054 000 

1869 

1870 

% 

691 028 377 

38 558 371 

$18 70 

8 551 

$ 88 242 000 

1870 

1871 

$ 

670 344 147 

39 750 073 

$16 89 

2 915 

$ 85 252 000 

1871 

1872 

I 

661 641 363 

40 978 607 

$16 14 

4 069 

$121 036 000 

1872 

1873 


652 896 762 

42 245 110 

$15 45 

5 183 

$228 499 000 

1873 

1874 

I 

632 032 773 

43 550 756 

$14 51 

5 830 

$155 239 000 

. 1874 

1875 


630 427 607 

44 896 705 

$14 04 

7 740 

$201 000 000 

1875 

1876 

$ 

620 316 970 

46 284 344 

$13 40 

9 092 

$191 117 000 

1876 

1877 

$ 

586 328 076 

46 714 829 

$12 20 

8 772 

$190 669 000 

1877 

1878 

$ 

549 540 187 

48 935 306 

$11 23 

10 478 

$234 483 132 

1878 

1879 

$ 

534 424 248 

50 155 783 

$10 65 

6 658 

$ 98 149 053 

1879 

1880 

$ 

528 524 267 

51 660 456 

$10 23 

4 735 

$ 65 752 000 

1880 

1881 

| 

610 632 433 

53 210 269 

$11 48 

5 582 

$ 81 155 932 

1881 

1882 

$ 

657 404 084 

54 806 577 

$11 97 

6 738 

$102 000 000 

1882 

1883 

$ 

648 205 895 

56 550 714 

$11 48 

9 184 

$172 874 172 

1883 

1884 

$ 

591 476 978 

58 144 235 

$10 17 

10 968 

$226 343 427 

1884 

1885 

$ 

533 404 001 

59 888 562 

$ 8 90 

11 211 

$267 340 264 

1885 

1886 

$ 

470 574 361 

61 685 218 

$ 7 63 

12 292 

$229 288 238 

1886 

1887 

$ 

428 752 221 

63 535 774 

$ 6 67 

12 042 

$335 121 888 

1887 

1888 

$ 

398 719 212 

64 000 000 

$ 6 10 

13 848 

$247 659 956 

.1888 

1889 

$ 

329 729 100 

65 000 000 

$ 5 05 

14 480 

$319 208 756 

1889 

1890 

$ 

319 501 327 

65 325 000 

$ 4 65 

15 335 

$408 566 605 

1890 


Bradstreets and Dunn’s agencies do not agree with 
these figures, for they give only mercantile failures, 
never touching that great army of business men 
called farmers, tradesmen and mechanics. They 
are too insignificant to count . 

Just in proportion to the withdrawal of money 
(currency) from circulation, the failures year by 
year have increased, and will continue to increase 
until universal destruction comes to every home, 
except those owned by—monopoly. 
















Senator John Sherman, in speaking upon the 
question to withdraw the treasury notes from circu¬ 
lation, said, “It is not possible to take this* voyage 
without the sorest distress. To every person ex¬ 
cept a banker, salaried officers, or annuitant, it 
will be a period of loss, danger, lassitude of trade, 
fall of wages, suspension of enterprise, bankruptcy 
and disaster. It means ruin of business men, fall 
of agricultural productions, without any relief from 
taxes. The debtor will be compelled to pay in coin, 
debts contracted in currency. 

“The coin will then be locked up in the United 
States treasury and national banks (and the debtor 
will be told to get it and pay the banker’s price for 
it). His property shrunk in value (so that it will 
not sell for enough to pay the mortgage upon it) 
by the artificial scarcity of money made by the 
hoarders of gold. Such legislation is an example 
of folly without a parallel in evil in the history of 
the world.” 

Sherman wrote the “Bill” and promoted its pass¬ 
age through the congress of the United States. 

He voted for it. 

Senator John A. Logan, in speaking upon the 
same question said, “I, for one, can see benefit 
only to the money holders and those who receive 
interest and have fixed incomes. I can see as a re¬ 
sult of this legislation, our business operations 
crippled and wages for labor reduced to a mere 
pittance. 

“I can see the beautifiul prairies of my own state 
and of the great West, which are blooming as gar- 


dens, with cheerful homes rising like white towers 
along the pathway of improvement, again sinking 
back to idleness. I can see mortgage fiends at their 
hellish work. I can see the hopes of the industri¬ 
ous farmers blasted as they burn corn for fuel , be¬ 
cause its price will not pay the cost of transporta¬ 
tion and dividends on millions of dollars of ficti¬ 
tious railway stocks and bonds. I can see our peo¬ 
ple of the West groaning and burdened under tax¬ 
ation to pay debts of states, counties and cities, 
incurred when money was more abundant, and 
bright hopes of the future were held out to lead 
them on. I can see the people of our Western 
states, who are producers, reduced to the condition 
of serfs to pay interest on public and private debts 
to the money sharks of Wall Street, New York, 
and of Threadneedle Street in London, England. 

All this will be accomplished by withdrawing the 
treasury notes from circulation, and destroying 
them, until the banks can control the entire volume 
of money, and then compel the people to use per¬ 
sonal checks in lieu of money—checks passing 
through the clearing houses, which the banks will 
establish in all the larger cities, to enable them to 
make a fictitious showing of prosperity, and fool 
the people with the great volume of business , which 
they will cause to be published in the daily and 
weekly newspapers. 

“But remember, checks are not money” 

Thus spoke General (Senator) John A. Logan, 
and then voted to pass the law. 


Remember, that at the present time only one per¬ 
son in twelve hundred and sixty have a bank ac¬ 
count, or can do business with the banks, and 
check out money. The banks therefore control the 
money and business of the people. 

“Whoever controls the volume of money in any 
country, is absolute master of all industry and com¬ 
merce.”— James A. Garfield. 

Senator John J. Ingalls said. 

“We cannot disguise the truth that we are on 
the verge of an impending revolution. Old issues 
are dead. The people are arraying themselves on 
one side or the other of a portentious contest. On 
the one side is Capital, formidably intrenched in 
privilege, arrogant from continued triumph, con¬ 
servative, tenacious of old theories, demanding new 
concessions, enriched by domestic levy and foreign 
commerce, and strugglingto adjust all values to its 
standard. On the other side is Labor, asking for 
employment, striving to develop domestic indus¬ 
tries, battling with the forces of nature and subdu¬ 
ing the wilderness. Labor, starving and sullen in 
the cities, resolutely determined to overthrow a sys¬ 
tem under which the rich are growing richer and 
the poor poorer,—a system which gives to a Van¬ 
derbilt and a Gould, wealth beyond the dreams of 
avarice, and condemns the poor to a poverty from 
which there is no escape or refuge hut the grave. 
Demands for justice have been met with indiffer¬ 
ence and disdain. The laborers of the country,, 
asking for employment, are treated like impudent 
mendicants, begging for bread. ” 


Then he voted to enact the law; to bring about 
the condition of things he foresaw, would result 
from such villianous legislation. 

Col. Ingersoll says: 

“We have passed through a period of wonderful 
and unprecedented prosperity. For years every 
kind of business has been pressed to the very sky 
line. From 1865 to 1872 a wave of wealth swept 
over the United States. Huts became palaces. 
Tatters became garments, and garments became 
robes. Walls were covered with pictures, floors 
with carpets, and for the first time in the history of 
the world, the poor tasted all the luxuries of 
wealth. 1 walked in the streets of the country 
and amid the luxurious surroundings I found labor 
sitting under its own vine and fig tree, free happy, 
contented. This was Heaven. But Monopoly 
changed this Paradise into a Hell, by creating a 
money famine . 

“In 1873 came the crash, and all the languages 
in the world cannot describe the agonies suffered 
by the American people from 1873 to 1889. Thou¬ 
sands and hundreds of thousands supposed they 
had enough; enough for wife and children, sudden¬ 
ly found themselves paupers and vagrants. Busi¬ 
ness with them stood still. Men stopped digging 
coal and ore; they stopped felling the forest. The 
fires died out in the furnaces. The men who had 
stood in the glare of the forge, were in the gloom 
of despondency. There was no hope, no employ¬ 
ment for them. The great factories were closed. 
The working men were demoralized and the roads 


of the United States were filled with five millions 
of tramps. Every one of them had been a resident 
of ‘Heaven.’ Now reduced to penury, they wan¬ 
der, (and midst abundance die of utter want.) 
What made this change? Do you ask! Contraction 
of the circulating medium , called money. Money 
was called in and destroyed and business ruined, 
that the wealth of monopoly might be increased 
and labor enslaved.” 

This is “Hell” according to Ingersoll. 

“Ill fares the land, to hastening ill 3 a prey, 

When wealth accumulates and men decay; 

Princes and Lords may flourish and may fade, 

But an honest yoemanry, a country’s pride. 

When once destroyed, can never be supplied.” 

The following table shows the number of people 
reported out of employment, and with no visible 
means of support, from 1873 to 1891 inclusive: 


TABLE OB 1 “TRAMPS” 

IN THE UNITED STATES. 


mr 

1 300 000 

1874 

1 500 000 

1875 

2 000 000 

1876 

2 200 000 

1877 

2 300 000 

1878 

2 350 000 

1879 

2 500 000 

1880 

2 550 000 

1881 

2 600 000 

1882 

2 800 000 

1883 

3 000 000 

1884 

3 500 000 

1885 

8 700 000 

1886 

3 900 000 

1887 

4 000 000 

1888 

4 200 000 

1889 

4 500 000 

1890 

4 850 000 

1891 

5 000 000 


Labor reports from six cities show: 


In New York City. 180 000 

In Chicago..... 100 000 

In Cincinnati.... 45 000 

In Pittsburg. 32 000 

In Youngstown:. 22 000 

In St. Louis. 30 000 

Total. 409 000 


Mechanics not usually out of employment, now 
forced into idleness in six cities in the United 
States. 

The last Labor report of Massachusetts, shows that 
29 59-100 of the total population of the state is in 
enforced idleness. This is a manufacturing state. 


The money of the people wag withdrawn from 


circulation; was burned up and destroyed, and 
















bonds were issued in its place. The result has been 
the destruction of American homes. Five millions 
of people out of employment, and thirty-one thou¬ 
sand millionaires. All this has been accomplished 
in obedience to the command of the “Money tow¬ 
er,” located in TKreadneedle Street, London, 
a nest of Jews, who own the debts of the world. 

An unquestioned authority says, 

“The national debt in 1866 amounted to $2,783,- 
000,000. We have paid on the principal of the 
public debt $1,599,665,312, and as interest on same 
$2,540,726,049, and a further sum of $58,540,000 
as premiums on bonds purchased, amounting in all 
to $4,198,931,361. Yet we. find the debt of the na¬ 
tion has actually increased if paid in the labor and 
products of the people (any person of ordinary in¬ 
telligence knows it cannot be paid in anythin^ 
else) 5 that is to say, it will take more labor pro¬ 
ducts, to pay what we now owe, at present pricey, 
than it would have taken to pay the entire indebt¬ 
edness in 1866 at the prices then. As proof of 
this the table below is given. In regard to its 
correctness, reference is called to any authentic 
price list of products for the years named; 


INCREASE OF THE NATIONAL DEBT IF PAID IN FARM 


PRODUCTS. 

Debt in 1890, $1,183,334,688 


Products necessary. 

Amount, 1866. 

Amount, 1890. 

Act’l Incr’se. 

Beef.barrels 

129 000 000 
87 000 000 

1 007 000 000 

3 262 350 000 

2 218 000 000 
*7 092 000 000 

4 281 538 451 

236 666 937 
147 916 836 

1 972 222 448 

5 917 773 340 

3 944 448 893 
13 148 162 755 

4 733 338 752 

107 666 937 
60 916 836 
965 222 448 
2 755 423 340 

1 726 448 893 
6 056 162 755 
551 800 301 

Pork.barrels 

Wheat.bushels 

Oats.bushels 

Corn.bushels . 

Cotton.pounds. 

Wool.. pounds 

^Prices in 1876. 

utl-, i i .. . , 77;-1-- 


4 ‘This table clearly shows that notwithstanding the 
national debt has been nearly twice paid in princi¬ 
pal and interest, the portion which yet remains is 

































larger than the original. This statement will not 
hold good, when mere dollars and cents are con¬ 
sidered, but is absolutely true as regards the pro¬ 
ducts of labor that is necessary to purchase these 
different sums of money. The matter stands as 
follows: 

“Had the debt been contracted to be paid in wheat 
it would have taken, in 1866,1,007,000,000 bushels: 


Bushels. 

We have paid on the principal....... 1 786 460 000 

Asinterest...... 2 823 328 000 

As premium on bonds...... 62 770 000 


Total paid.... 4 652 558 000 

We yet owe........ 1 958 389 084 


“Had the debt been contracted to be paid in cot¬ 
ton it would have takan, in 1867, 7,092,000,000 


pounds: 

Pounds. 

We have paid on the principal.... 16 077 683 000 

As interest...... 25 407 260 000 

As premiums on bonds... 565 000 000 


Total paid.. 42 049 943 000 

We yet owe.. 11 752 316 000 


“When it is remembered that all private indebted¬ 
ness has gone through the same process; that a 
mortgage which was given prior to 1872, and re¬ 
mains half unpaid, is larger and more burdensome 
than when first given; that the man who has 
worked hard and economized closely during all 
these years to pay one-half or two-thirds of his in¬ 
debtedness, is no better off, and in nearly every 
case more in debt than when he first began, 
measured by the remuneration received for his own 
efforts, is there any wonder that wide-spread dis¬ 
tress and discontent obtain among the wealth pro¬ 
ducers of the country?” 














The national banking system has been the (steal) 
tool of Monopoly—with which the results above 
set forth have been accomplished. Therefore, the 
first plank in our platform demands that the sys¬ 
tem be abolished. 

4 4 We demand the passage of laws prohibiting the 
alien o wnership of land, and that congress "take 
early steps to devise some plan to obtain all lands 
now owned by aliens and foreign syndicates; and 
that all lands now held by railroads and other cor¬ 
porations in excess of such as arc actually used and 
needed by them, be reclaimed by the government 
and held for actual settlers only.” 

Do you ask why—this demand?—or inquire, 

44 Who stole our inheritance while we slept?” Our 
fathers gave us all of the lands enumerated as fol¬ 
lows: 


The thirteen colonies........ ....., 

The Louisiana purchase. 

The Florida purchase.. 

Texas ... 

The Gladsden treaty. 

The Alaska purchase. 

The Mexican treaty. 

Total 

The lands unavailable for 
are, 


. 227 987 187 acres. 

. 756 961 280 “ 

. 37 931 520 “ 

. .. 65 130 880 “ 

. 29 142 400 “ 

. 399 529 600 “ 

. 334 443 520 “ 

.. 1 823 126 387 acres 

productive purposes 


399 529 600 acres. 


Indian and Military Reservat’s. 157 000 000 “ 

Mountainous and untillable. 400 qqq qqq »» 


Total unavailable, 


956 529 600 acres. 
















Of the remaining estate, we find it divided thus: 


Owned by private individuals... 300 000 000 acres. 

Owned by states. 60 000 000 “ 

Owned by schools. 79 000 000 “ 

Swamp lands. 70 000 000 “ 

Military and naval bounty. 61 000 000 “ 

Canals, wagon roads, etc.. 6 000 000 “ 

Railways. 172 000 000 “ 

Private and state claims. 85 000 000 “ 


Total.. 833 000 000 acres. 


Now add this last total to the total unavailable 
and it gives 1,789,529,600. Take this last result 
from the great domain we received from our fath¬ 
ers, and we have left the garden patch of 33,596,- 
787 acres to give our children as their inheritance. 
It is therefore not difficult, nor do we need a spy¬ 
glass to aid our vision to see what is meant by this 
demand. 

Let it be remembered that no corporation or per¬ 
son can obtain and hold so-called “vested rights” 
as against the government, and that the people 
have the right to reclaim every acre filched from 
them, through stealth, fraud, craft or theft. 

We propose and intend to reclaim our inheritance, 
and where right demands, allow just compensation 
to present holders. 

7. We demand that the means of communication 
and transportation of both intelligence and com¬ 
modities shall be absolutely owned or controlled by 
the people of state and nation, and operated in the 
interest of the people in a manner similar to the 
present postal system. 

The railway system in the United States has a 
mileage of about 165,000 miles. Its average cost 












to build and equip for business as now used, was 
$20,000 per mile; a total cost of a little more than 
Three Billions of dollars. The system is capitalized 
for about Twelve Billions of dollars. Four times its 
actual cost! The people of the United States are 
compelled to pay for the transportation of person 
and commodity, a rate sufficient to pay all operat¬ 
ing expenses, and an average dividend of five and 
one-half per cent, upon this vast capitalization, or 
twenty-two percent, on the cost of the whole plant. 
It absorbs the earnings each year of about Three 
Millions of— Wage Slaves. 

“It is better to conirdl the money and wages of 
the people than it is to own the slave.” 

In view of these facts we deem it proper for the 
people to own and control the various systems of 
transportation, and operate them in the interests of 
the whole people at cost. 

The telegraph system in the United States is 
capitalized for ten times its cost , and is extracting 
from the people, each year, enough to pay all oper¬ 
ating expenses and repairs, and pay a dividend of 
six per cent, on its capitalization. Nine-tenths of 
which is dirty i1 water. ” 

Windom, late Secretary of the United States 
treasury, in 1886, said, “There are in this country 
four men, who, in the matter of taxation, possess, 
and frequently exercise powers which neither con¬ 
gress nor any of our state legislatures would dare 
to exert—powers, which if exercised in Great 
Britain, would shake the throne to its very founda¬ 
tion. 



“These men may at any time, and for any rea¬ 
son satisfactory to themselves, by a stroke of the 
pen , reduce the value of property in the United 
States hundreds of millions of dollars. They may 
at their own will and pleasure disarrange and em¬ 
barrass business, depress one city or locality and 
build up another; enrich one individual and ruin 
his competitor, and when complaint is made, coolly 
reply, “What are you going to do about it?” “The 
public be d—n.” Hitherto they have been, appar¬ 
ently content to absorb and control the great indus¬ 
trial and material interests of the country, by a 
monopoly of the means of transportation, but re¬ 
cently new and Alcmning conditions are presented. 
They know full well that if the people can freely 
communicate with each other they will see the 
dangerous tendencies of this power, and organize 
to restrain it. 

“Hence, to lay deep the sure foundation for the 
maintenance of their power, and to defeat the ef¬ 
forts of the people to curb it, they have now seized 
upon the channels of thought, and one man who 
controls more miles of railroad than any other in 
the world, and who is daily adding new lines to 
his colossal combination, also controls the tele¬ 
graphic system of the United States, Canada and 
Mexico, and is reaching under the sea to grasp that 
of Europe. He is also the owner of three out of 
seven newspapers, which canstitptes the Associated 
Press. When he secures the fourth paper, he will 
then control all avenues of communication of in¬ 
telligence and Liberty will be destroyed , and the 


people will have no press to voice their woes. 
(He now, at this time , owns the controlling inter¬ 
est in the Associated Press.) Hence, the sixty 
millions of people who read their daily and weekly 
papers, receive just such impressions as this one 
man may choose to give them, (under the labels, 
‘Republican’ or ‘Democratic’ press.) Public men 
and affairs, business interests and movements, are 
all seen in the coloring which shall best serve his in¬ 
terests. At the behest of this man and the ‘Money 
Power’ he represents—the legislator who shall be 
bold enough to raise his voice in the behalf of the 
people, or strike a blow in their defence, is mis¬ 
represented by this ‘Press? denied a hearing before 
his own constituents and retired in disgrace. 

“The business men who venture to question the 
‘divine right’ of this man and the ‘Money Power,’ 
are crushed and financially ruined. The practical 
question is, ‘What are we going to do about it?’ 
To my mind the answer is easy. This organized 
gigantic corporate power must be abolished by the or¬ 
ganized power of the people. Such powers" exist 
and may be promptly exercised. It is plainly 
written in our constitutions, and has been unequiv¬ 
ocally declared by the Supreme Court of the United 
States.” 

3. We demand that congress shall pass such 
laws as shall effectually prevent the dealing in fu¬ 
tures in all agricultural and mechanical produc-‘ 
tions, preserving such a stringent system of pro¬ 
cedure in trials as shall secure prompt conviction, 


and imposing such penalties as shall secure the 
more perfect compliance with the law. 

The combination of bankers, stock and grain 
gamblers, with the railway managers, have suc¬ 
ceeded in taking from productive industry all 
wealth, and by schemes supplemented by statutes 
enacted, and decisions purchased in so-called 
“courts of law and equity,” have transferred eighty- 
jive per cent, of the entire wealth of our people in¬ 
to the hands of thirteen per cent, of our population 
—this in twenty-jive years. Thirty-one thousand 
one hundred millionaires on one hand, on the other, 
sixty-two millions of people in the direst financial 
trouble. These conditions cannot continue to exist 
in this country, if the people desire to retain 
the freedom bequeathed to them by our patriot 
fathers. Therefore, 

9. We demand such legislation as will prevent 
the organization or maintenance of trusts and com¬ 
bines for purposes of speculation in any of the pro¬ 
ducts of labor or necessities of life, or the transpor¬ 
tation of the same. 

“Let us enter the Board of Trade, where the 
price of flour, meal and meat is fixed. See the 
mad commotion. Hear their shouts of triumph 
and audacity as they each press upon the other in 
the crowded gambling pits. These are the men 
who bet on the priee of farm products; who sport 
with the earnings of industry; who gamble on the 
fruits of the earth, while these fiendish deeds are 
being enacted, and the cry of suffering rises from 
countless souls, the voice of revelry and sounds of 


debauchery are never stilled. The imperative de¬ 
mand for luxuries that would vie with those of 
Ancient Rome is daily on the increase. 

‘■Nero fiddled while Rome was burning, and this 
is what the Plutocrats are doing to-day. They are 
fiddling, and feasting, and dancing, and dining, 
and sacrificing human lives to make themselves a 
holiday, while men, women and children are pass¬ 
ing years of joyless lives, and starve to death, 
clothed only in their own misery. 

“Nero was the product of an age in which incar¬ 
nate love had not shed its vivifying moral influence. 
But what shall be said of an age that is nominally 
Christian and yet follows in the footsteps of the 
Old Roman? Only this—it is false to the teach¬ 
ings of the Master it professes to serve.” 

Churchanity, not Christianity, measures the 
morals, the actions and lives of those who profess, 
but do not possess the spirit of Christ. 

Those “who have made of my Father’s House, a 
den of thieves”—let them change their lives and 
conduct, or be forever Anathema. 

5. Believing in the doctrine of ‘ ‘equal rights to 
all and special privileges to none,” we demand that 
taxation, national or state, shall not be used to 
build up one interest or class at the expense of an¬ 
other. We believe that the money of the country 
should be kept as much as possible in the hands of 
the people, and hence we demand that all revenues, 
national, state or county, shall be limited to the 
necessary expenses of the government economical¬ 
ly and honestly administered. 


The above demand calls upon the question of 
tariff, which has been used so long by the Republi¬ 
can and Democratic politicians to deceive, delude 
and divide the people, while the “money sharks” 
rob them. 

The money collected by the government under 
the tariff law, is about two hundred and thirty mil¬ 
lions of dollars per annum. The number of unem¬ 
ployed persons in the United States is about five 
millions. If these persons were employed at one 
dollar each, they would earn five millions of dol¬ 
lars per day, or fifteen hundred million dollars per 
year. Deduct the amount collected by tariff from 
the amount lost by unemployed labor, the result 
would be twelve hundred and seventy millions of 
dollars, which labor looses after paying all the 
tariff. Let labor be employed and high or low 
tariff cannot injure the people. 

Under the McKinley tariff we have some “strange 
freaks” presented for our thoughtful consideration. 
On Bibles the tariff is twenty-five per cent ad val¬ 
orem . 

Fiddle strings. Free—“Protected prayer meet¬ 
ings.” “Free dance,” Heaven, “high tariff,”— 
School, “free trade.” “On with the dance, let joy 
he unconfined. ” 

To gain a correct idea of the tariff question study 
the following table, which shows the average tariff 
each year, from 1791 to 1891 inclusive. The 
table proves that “Hard Times” were never caused 
by high or low tariff; that “Hard Times” are always 
caused hy a scarcity of good money in actual circvr 


lotion among the people. Money, that is by law 
locked up in the United States treasury, and the 
reserve funds in the national and other banks, is 
not in circulation: 

The total amount of money in the United States 
November 1, 1889, was $1,588,455,011. Let us see 
where it was: 

In the treasury. $610 001 912 

Fractional currency, old demand notes still counted... 18 291 121 

Reserves in national banks as provided by law. 270 066 172 

Reserves in other banks in deposites etc .. 212 700 136 

Excess of exports of gold and silver as per report.. 67 678 460 

Total. 61 178 735 79$ 

This leaves a balance of $409,719,212. From this 
sum must be deducted all gold, silver and paper 
money lost or destroyed^ or used in manufacturies 
during the past twenty-five years. The treasury 
estimates it as follows: 


Gold and silver. $60 000 000 

Paper. 100 000 000 

Total. $160 000 000 


Of this we will .take but 07ie-half or eighty mil¬ 
lions. This leaves but $329,719,212 in circulation 
among the people on November 1, 1889, or $5.07 
per capita. Head the above statement and you 
will discover where the money is and the cause of 
‘‘Hard Times.” Then remember, be fooled no 
longer by the tariff— “Fake” played by the poli¬ 
ticians of the Republican and Democratic parties, 
to divide the people. 












T-A-ISXIPIF T-A-ZBXjE 

SHOWING AVERAGE TARIFF FROM 1791 TO 1841, INCLUSIVE. 


1791 

$15 84 

I 

3 

1792 

11 54 


e*g 

1193 

14 68 



1794 

17 10 


•' b 

1795 

11 21 



1796 

12 02 

< 


1797 

15 60 


> 

1798 

19 99 

■ 

I* 

1799 

19 70 



1800 

17 42 


to 

1801 

16 61 



1802 

1803 

30 67 
20 52 


c-i 

•1804 

22 76 


eL 

1805 

19 19 

7 2 * 

1806 

21 22 


0Q 

1£07 

20 09 


§ 

1808 

37 22 


1*09 

IS 80 

* 


1810 

1811 

14 07 
35 62 


1812 

13 07 


*5 

1813 

69 03 


V P* 

ff 

o 

1814 

46 70 


1815 

6 84 


y 

1816 

1817 

1818 

1819 

1820 
P21 

27 94 
32 90 



16 78 

29 81 
26 69 

30 99 


K 

► § 

1?22 

27 13 


o 

1823 

39 21 


® 

1824 

1825 

1826 

50 21 
50 24 
49 26 



1827 

53 76 



1828 

47 69 


5- 

1829 

54 18 

J 

to 

1830 

61 69 


S 4 

1831 

47 38 


1832 

42 96 


o 

1833 

38 25 



1834 

40 19 


i 

1335 

1886 

1887 

40 33 
31 94 

n 18 



1838 

41 33 

1839 

81 77 


L 0 ^5 
r 93 
ffi'S 
0 w 

1340 

34 39 


1841 

34 56 

J 


Hamilton Tariff from 1791 to 1816. The policy 
was Tariff for revenue. The prosperity of the 
people was increased as the money became good 
and more abundant. 


Under Madison the Tariff was highest and low¬ 
est. People in distress. 


Calhoun Tariff, 1816 to 1825. For Protection 
and great financial distress. 


Clay Tariff 1825 to 1842. High Protection. 
Tariff of Abomnation. Tariff of Nullification. 
Tariff of Compromise and Money Panic. l>eso- 
lution and trouble. Financial ruin to thousands 
of people; no good money, not enough money. 


The Tariff does not effect the prosperity or* adversity of our peo¬ 
ple, any more than a fiy does a car t wheel. 





















Only through combination can our present evils 
be suppressed and a brighter day be made to dawn. 
The organization of the wealth producers into so¬ 
cieties, and the amalgamation of these into a cen¬ 
tral body, are necessary to the ballot—representation 
and legislation. It must be carried farther still. 
The creators of wealth must establish and own their 
own industries. 

Capital has learned the value of combination; it 
remains for labor to profit by the history of the 
past and institute such proceedings as that its 
right to participate in the wealth it creates, shall 
be generally acknowledged and adopted. 

The form of demand should be changed from in - 
crease of wages to participation in profits. 

In the growth of civilization a stage has been 
reached where a new and higher law is naturally 
evolving from a lower one; and this “higher law,” 
which is bound to supersede competition is co-oper¬ 
ation, and the new principle that co-operation intro¬ 
duces into business is, that profits shall be possessed 
by those who create them. In this way only will 
the concentration of wealth and power be arrested, 
and the people become the sovereigns of industry, 
“and the possessors of the fruits of their own la¬ 
bor. 

The Democratic and Republican parties are now, 
and have been for years, the right and left wings 
of that foul bird, Monopoly. Therefore we say: 
Let the people relegate both parties and partisans 
to “inocuous desuetude” for all coming time, then 
let the people select honest persons to do their 


bidding, subject to the “Referendum and Imperi- 
tive Mandate,” to be placed in all constitutions of 
government. 

When we consider that all of the suffering the 
people endure has been forced upon them by the 
wealthy plutocracy of this country, in league with 
our enemies, the money kings and titled oppressors 
of foreign lands, and that this “plutocracy” does 
not comprise three per cent, of our population; we 
are led to believe that by organization and educa¬ 
tion the great question of the future welfare of our 
industrial masses may be “settled by the ballot 
without a resort to the sword and bullet. ” Thus 
believing and holding with the patriots of 1776, 
“That all men are created equal,” we judge that 
we can best guard the liberties of the American 
people by a secret organization, embracing within 
its ranks the business men, the professional men, 
and all residents of our towns and cities, who are 
not slaves to the thralldom of a party name, and 
we cordially invite them to unite with the laboring 
men, that we may work hand in hand with the 
wealth producers of this nation who can federate 
on the platform of principles herein set forth in 
defense, of the homes and firesides, the cottages, in 
towns and cities, and the farms of our people. 
“Join us in our effort to secure needed legislation 
to right our wrongs.” Let us “stand up and be 
counted,” that our numbers may appall our op- 
pi\ ssors, and let our bonds of union be so strong 
that when the monopolistic forces declare war^on 
any portion of our membership a thrill of sym- 


pathy shall extend throughout our entire alliance. 
Let the bands of our brotherhood be stronger than 
iron or steel; then we can right our wrongs at the 
ballot box, and exert such a force in the political 
arena that the laws of this country will restore 
“labor to an equality with capital in the structure 
of the government.” 

Legislation, secured by the efforts of an English 
Syndicate , produced our system of national bank¬ 
ing. Here I give you a copy of their circular let¬ 
ter, formulated and circulated by their agent 
“Hazzard,” among the bankers and money loaners 
of the United States, in the year 1862. It discloses 
the “bed-rock” of our present system of finance, 
and our “ Hard Times.” 

“Slavery is likely to be abolished by the war 
power, and chattel slavery destroyed. This, I and 
my European friends are in favor of, for slavery is 
but the owning of labor, and carries with it the 
care for the laborer; while the European plan, led 
on by England is capital control of labor, by con¬ 
trolling wages. This can be done by controlling 
the money. ( Thus we cam compel the whole people, 
without being responsible for the care of their bodies, 
to pay tribute to the money power. ) The great debt 
that capitalists will see is made out of the war, 
must be used as a measure to control the volume of 
money To accomplish this the bonds must be 
used as a banking basis. We are now waiting to 
get the secretary of the treasury to make this {as 
his) recommendation to congress. It will not do 
to allow the greenback, as it is called, to circulate 


as money any great length of time, for we cannot 
control that.” 

The bankers replied to this scheme as follows, 
through their official secretary: 

“It is advisable to all in your power to sustain 
such daily and prominent weekly newspapers, es¬ 
pecially the Agricultural and Religious press, as 
will oppose the issuing of greenback paper money, 
and that you with-hold patronage and favors from 
all applicants (and members of congress) who are 
not willing to oppose the government issue of 
money. Let the government issue the coin and 
the banks the paper money of the country, for 
then we can better protect each other, (and control 
the volume of money in circulation.) To repeal 
the law creating national banks, or to restore to 
circulation the government issue of money, will be 
to divide the people with money, and will there¬ 
fore seriously affect your individual profits as 
banker and lender. ‘See' your member of con¬ 
gress, and engage him to support our interest, that 
we may control legislation. (In othe. words, bay 
his rote. ”) 

“Resolved , That congress has no power to chart¬ 
er a national bank; that we believe such an insti¬ 
tution one of deadly hostility to the best interests 
of* the country, dangerous to the republican insti¬ 
tutions and liberties of the people, calculated to 
place the business of the country within the control 
of a concentrated money power above the laws and 
will of the people. ’’—Plank in Democratic Plat¬ 
form, in 1840. 


“My agency in procuring the passage of the na¬ 
tional banking act was the greatest mistake of my 
life. It has built up a monopoly that affects every 
interest in the country. It should he repealed. 
But before this can be accomplished, the people 
will be arrayed on one side and the banks on the 
other, in a contest such as we ha/ve never seen in this 
country.”— Salmon P. Chase. 

The immortal Lincoln, in his message to con¬ 
gress in 1861, said: “There is one point to which 
I ask your brief attention. It is the effort to place 
capital on an equal footing with, if not above labor , 
in the structure of this, our government. Let 
them, the people, beware of surrendering a politi¬ 
cal power which they already have, and which, if 
surrendered, will surely be used to close the door 
of advancement against such as they, and to fix 
new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all 
liberty shall be lost . v And again this “foremost of 
all Americans,” said, in the latter part of 1864: 
“As a result of the war, corporations have been en- 
throwned , and an era of corruption in high places 
will follow, and the money power of the country 
will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon 
the prejudices of the people, until all wealth is ag 
gregated in the hands cf a few, and the Republic is 
destroyed. I feel more anxiety for the safety of 
my country than ever before, even in the midst of 
the war. God grant that my suspicions may prove 
groundless.” 

“The next great question to be confronted by 
the people, will be that of corporations and their 


relation to the people and national life. The fear 
is now entertained by many of our best men that 
the national and state legislatures of the Union, in 
creating the vast corporations, have evoked a spirit 
which map escape and defy control and may wield 
a power greater than the people themselves.”— 
•James A. Garfield. 


VOTERS, ATTENTION! 


STUDY THE LANGUAGE IN THE FOL¬ 
LOWING EXTRACTS! 


AND THEN SAY, IF YOU WILL, THERE IS 
NO DANGER TO THE AMERICAN 
REPUBLIC! 


There is too much freedom in this country, rath¬ 
er than too little .—Indianapolis Journal (Republi¬ 
can.) 

Give them the rifle diet for a few days, and see 
how they like that kind of bread .—Tom Scott (Re¬ 
publican.) 

If the workingmen had no vote they would be 
more amenable to the teachings of hard times.— 
Indianapolis Hews (Democrat.) 

The most wealthy must govern in every state, 
and will, regardless of any attempt to deprive them 
of that right .—Richmond ( Va.) Whig (Democrat.) 

We need a strong central government; the wealth 





of the country has to bear the burdens of govern¬ 
ment and shall control it.— Senator Sharon (Re¬ 
publican.) 

It is astounding, yea, startling, the extent to 
which faith prevails in. money circles in New York 
that wc ought to have a king.— New York Tribwne 
(Republican.) 

We have arranged the program for both parties, 
and are willing the people should exercise their 
choice of men.— James Buell , Secretary National 
Bankers ’ Association (Monopoly.) 

Hand grenades should be thrown among those 
who are striking to obtain higher wages, as, by 
such treatment they would be taught a valuable les¬ 
son, and other strikers could take warning from 
their fate.— Chicago Times (Democrat.) 

The British system of office-holding should be 
adopted in this country, that the tenure of office 
should be for life. A statute which should incor¬ 
porate its general features. I should be bound to 
give my approval.— Pres. Arthur's First Message 
(Republican.) 

The American laborer must make up his mind 
henceforth not to be better off than the European 
laborer. Men must be content to work for less 
wages. In this way the workingman will be near¬ 
er to the station in life to which it has pleased God 
to call him .—New York World (Democrat.) 

The time is near when they (the banks) will feel 
called upon to act strongly. Meanwhile a very 
good thing has been done. The machinery is furn¬ 
ished by which, in an emergency, the financial cor- 


porations of the East can act at a single day’s 
notice with such power that no act of congress can 
overcome or resist their decision .—-New York Tri¬ 
bune (Republican.) 

There seems to be but one remedy, and that must 
come, a change of ownership of the soil; that is, 
tenant farmers on the one hand, and landlords on 
the other, like that which has long existed in 
Europe and our own state of California. Every¬ 
thing seems ripe for the change; half the farmers 
of the country are ready to be sold if buyers would 
appear.— New York Times (Democrat.) 

Is not a dollar a day enough to buy bread? 
Water costs nothing, and a man who cannot live on 
bread and water is not fit to live. A family may 
live, love, laugh and be happy that eats bread in 
the morning with good water, and water and good 
bread at noon, and water and good bread at night. 
— Rev. Henry Ward Beacher (Republican.) 

It is always understood that there is a bit of the 
theatric about Mr. Ingalls, But he is not utterly 
without political sense. While he is talking to be 
talked about, he is also talking at the broad truths 
of contemporary politics. This farmer’s move¬ 
ment has come from natural causes and it will re : 
main in some form after all the machine leaders 
now turning their cranks are lost to view in the 
thickening shadows of old agfe. Many of the 
economic novelties—novelties to them but exploded 
errors to the reader of history—of the farmers will 
be soon rejected. But the force with which the alli¬ 
ance has compelled the country to look at the 


economies of government will last until the next 
military convulsion . 

The Times says, “The economic novelties of the 
farmers will soon be rejected . But it will last until 
the next ‘military convulsion .” In this connection 
please read the following letter, written by Adju¬ 
tant General Drum, of the United States Army, 
and see “whither are we drifting as a nation?”: 

War Department Adjutant General’s ) 

Office, Washington, February 20. \ 

To the Adjutant General of the State of 

Ohio. 

Sir: For sometime past this department, under 
order and sanction of the Secretary of War, has 
been occupied in the collection of military informa¬ 
tion of a general character relating not only to oui, 
own country, but to foreign armies, fortifications, 
etc., of foreign powers, and a division styled, “the 
division of military information” has been created 
in this office, where such information is compiled 
and filed for future reference. 

In the course of our examination it has become 
evident that much valuable data relative to the na¬ 
tional guards of the several states and territories 
can be furnished by the adjutant generals thereof, 
and in this view I have the honor to request that 
you will at the earliest, practical date supply the in¬ 
formation designated concerning the troops of your 
state. 

It is especially desired that this inquiry and 
any subsequent correspondence in the matter may 
be considered as strictly confidential, the ob. 


jeet of the department being to obtain this and like 
information in a quiet manner and to preserve the 
same until needed. The items particularly desired 
at this time are as follows, to-wit: 

1st. Location and strength of the various or¬ 
ganizations by regiments, independent companies, 
troops and batteries, together with a statement as 
to the proportions of each that could be relied upon* 
for prompt active services for nine months —the full 
period which the law authorizes them to be called 
out by the president; which is the best drilled as 
skirmishers, which contains most expert riflemen. 

2nd. The least time required by divisions, 
brigades and regiments for concentration within 
the state at Cleveland in case of emergency by 
the most rapid means of transportation. 

3rd. A statement showing the character and 
amount of ammunition, clothing, camp and garri¬ 
son equipment and wagon transportation on hand 
and needed by the troops, in case they should be 
required to concentrate at a given point to repel 
foreign invasions or prevent domestic violence of 
magnitude. 

4th. Any other information which you may 
deem valuable to the general government, bearing 
upon this general subject of the use of the militia, 
in conjunction with the national forces, in the 
event of a sudden war with a foreign power. 

1 am respectfully, your obedient servant, 

R. C. Drum, 

Adjutant General . 


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Babies and Bread...10 J 

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